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The abortion ban approved Tuesday night by the Alabama Senate and signed into law Wednesday by Republican Governor Kay Ivey is more than just the most restrictive legislation passed by any state in the 46 years since the Supreme Court legalized abortion nationwide.It is also the opening of a new front in the abortion wars, and the clearest statement yet that the tsunami of state abortion restrictions introduced this year is less about actually enforcing those particular restrictions than about giving the justices an opportunity to reverse the 1973 ruling.



“It’s like a racehorse in the Kentucky Derby — blinders on all side,” said Democratic Sen. Rodger Smitherman shortly after he voted against the bill, which would ban all abortions for any reason and carry prison sentences of 99 years to life for doctors who perform them. “They just keep on this Roe v. Wade thing.”

周二晚上,阿拉巴馬州參議院批準了這項反墮胎法案。周三,共和黨州長凱·艾維簽署了該法案。自從最高法院宣判墮胎在全國范圍內合法以后,該法案不僅僅是46年以來各州所頒布的最嚴厲的反墮胎法案。同時也為墮胎戰爭開辟了一條新戰線,在今年各州出臺的大量墮胎限制措施當中,該項法案是迄今為止最嚴苛的。這些墮胎限制措施的出臺與其說是真的為了強制執行他們,不如說是為了讓法官有機會推翻1973年最高法院的判決。
民主黨參議員羅杰•史密瑟曼在投票反對該項法案后不久表示:“這就像肯塔基州賽馬比賽中的一匹被蒙上眼睛的賽馬,完全失控了。他們就是想繼續羅訴韋德案?!備梅ò附谷魏渦問降畝樘?,無論出于何種原因,并對違規幫助墮胎的醫生判處99年監禁。

譯者注:1972年,得克薩斯州兩個年輕的女權主義者薩拉·威丁頓和林達·科菲試圖挑戰當時的墮胎政策。她們選中了一名希望墮胎的21歲女子,化名為簡·羅(JaneRoe),韋德(Wade)則是當時達拉斯縣的檢察官。幾經周折,1973年 1月22日,美國聯邦高院最后以7比2的表決,確認婦女決定是否繼續懷孕的權利受到憲法上個人自主權和隱私權規定的?;?,這等于承認美國墮胎的合法化。



The result is a multi-tiered conversation — one about abortion rights, one about abortion politics and one about legal strategy.

最終造成的結果就是,這是一個多層次的會談——一部分是關于墮胎權利,一部分是關于墮胎政治,一部分是關于法律策略。

In the first, pro-choice groups cite polls that consistently show public support for Roe and opposition to the government involving itself in women’s medical decisions; anti-abortion groups portray abortion as murder, not medical care.

第一部分,倡導墮胎合法化的團體引述民調稱,民眾一貫支持羅訴韋德案的判決,并且反對政府干預女性的醫療選擇。反墮胎團體則表示墮胎是謀殺,而不是醫療。

In the second, both groups fundraise and create petitions — to unseat legislators who don’t vote their way, to persuade governors to sign or veto legislation, and, in the case of pro-choice coalitions, to urge blue state legislators to strengthen abortion rights as red states weaken them.

第二部分,兩派支持者都在籌集資金,并且發起請愿活動,要求罷免沒有投票支持自己立場的議員們,此外他們還試圖說服州長簽署(廢除)該法案。在這種情形之下,支持墮胎聯盟還敦促藍州議員在紅州反對墮胎之時,應該加強對墮胎權力的?;?。

And on the third level, both groups try to predict which cases the newly constituted court might accept and how they might rule. It is the newest territory in this evolving landscape, where strategy is still being debated.

第三部分,雙方都在預測新近成立的最高法院會受理哪些案件,以及這些案件最終會如何裁決。在這一不斷演化的最新領域,具體的策略,雙方仍在考略之中。



“What we’re seeing now is much more of a full-frontal attack” on abortion rights and access compared with recent years, Elizabeth Nash, a senior state issues manager at the Guttmacher Institute told Yahoo News. “We are seeing a real shift away from the incremental strategy that dominated abortion laws for decades and now we’re seeing the goal of banning abortion outright.”

古特馬赫研究所州事務高級經理伊麗莎白納什對雅虎新聞表示,與前些年來相比,他們現在更多的直接攻擊墮胎權利和墮胎途徑。我們看到,過去幾十年來,一直占據主導地位的漸進式墮胎策略如今徹底改變了。他們現在的目標是完全禁止墮胎。

Not all anti-abortion groups agree with the tactic, even if they are in sympathy with the broad aims. Conservative televangelist Pat Robertson said: “I think Alabama has gone too far. It’s an extreme law, and they want to challenge Roe v. Wade, but my humble view is this is not the case we want to bring to the Supreme Court because this one will lose.”

并不是所有的反墮胎組織都同意這一策略,即使他們的總體目標是一致的。保守派電視福音傳道者帕特羅伯遜說:“我認為阿拉巴馬州做得太過分了。這是一項極端的法律,他們想挑戰羅伊訴韋德案,但我的拙見是,我們不想把這個案子提交最高法院,因為這個案子會敗訴?!?br />
But those who crafted it predict that their overarching legislations will be more likely to be heard by the court.

但那些起草該法案的人預測,他們的總體立法將更有可能被法院聽取。

“The back door hasn’t worked, I’ll just tell you,” said Rep. Rich Wingo, a Republican member of the Alabama House, who helped craft the ban, which compares abortion to Nazi concentration camps, Russian gulags, and genocides in Rwanda and Cambodia. Incremental methods to eradicate abortion “haven’t worked to date,” he said. “This is a yes or no, up or down.”
Alabama’s governor also welcomed the court fight.

阿拉巴馬州眾議院共和黨議員里奇·溫古(Rich Wingo)說:“我只能告訴你,后門不管用?!蔽鹿虐鎦鴆萘蘇庀罱?,將墮胎與納粹集中營、俄羅斯古拉格集中營以及盧旺達和柬埔寨的種族滅絕相提并

“No matter one’s personal view on abortion, we can all recognize that, at least for the short term, this bill may similarly be unenforceable. As citizens of this great country, we must always respect the authority of the U.S. Supreme Court even when we disagree with their decisions,” Ivey wrote in a statement Wednesday. “Many Americans, myself included, disagreed when Roe v. Wade was handed down in 1973. The sponsors of this bill believe that it is time, once again, for the U.S. Supreme Court to revisit this important matter, and they believe this act may bring about the best opportunity for this to occur.”

艾維在周三發表的聲明中表示“無論你對對墮胎的抱有何種看法,我們都必須意識到,至少在短期內,這項法案根本沒有付諸實踐的可能性。作為這個偉大國家的公民,我們必須永遠尊重最高法院的權威,即使我們可能并不認同他們的判決。包括我在內的很多美國人對1973年羅伊訴韋德案的判決其實并不滿意。但是我們必須尊重它。該項法案的提案人認為,這是一個千載難逢的機會,是時候讓最高法院重新審議這一重要的時刻了。

On a press call this morning with reporters, Planned Parenthood officials addressed questions of whether pro-choice groups are playing into the hands of anti-abortion groups by challenging all these laws. If the goal is to appeal a bill all the way to the Supreme Court, then perhaps not challenging them would stymie the strategy?

今天上午,計劃生育組織的官員在與記者的一個新聞電話會議上回答了相關問題,在被問到既然反墮胎者的策略是將該法案上訴到最高法院,那么也許不去挑戰這一法案才是正卻的做法。支持墮胎的團體是否已經被反墮胎團體玩弄于股掌之間。



And there are some more creative pushbacks as well. In Alabama, Democratic Sen. Vivian Figures attempted to add amendments that would, among other things, make vasectomies a felony and require lawmakers who vote for the ban to personally pay the legal fees to defend it in court.

除此之外,還有一些更具創造力的做法,例如在阿拉巴馬州,民主黨參議員森.薇薇安.菲格斯提出一項修正案。除了一些其他的內容之外,該修正案還包括了將輸精管切除術定為重罪,并且要求支持該禁令的議員在法庭上為其辯護時,自掏腰包,支付訴訟費。